Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 18: Better Together

Looking at the newly published Labor Protection Act, Franz smiled with satisfaction. The conflict between the nobility and the capitalist class could no longer possibly alleviated.

The eight-hour workday was enacted. This was enough to show that the nobles were so enraged by the capitalists that they had taken a drastic measure to deal with the situation.

From then on, the Austrian working class parted ways with the capitalist class. The government had given them what they wanted by enacting a labor law, so the only obstacle for them was the capitalists.

In this case, the question was, did the capitalists dare use the workers' movement to seize power?

Obviously, this was impossible, for the enemy of the workers' movement was no longer the government, but the capitalist class.

For a long time to come, capitalists would have to fight against the working class until one side was forced to make a concession.

"Taylor, you go spread the news of our Labor Protection Act, and do not forget to send a copy to all the labor unions in Paris!" Franz commanded.

It was the best of times, it was the worst of times: in 1847, there was only one country in the world that was industrialized, and that was Great Britain.

The rest of the major European powers were catching up, but the industrial revolution in France would not be finished until the 1860s.

The industrial revolution in Germany had just begun, and the same was true of Prussia and Austria.

The competitiveness of their products declined because of the increasing labor costs.

But that was not their main problem. The biggest challenge in Austria was the lack of a consumer market. Who could buy products in the market when everyone, worker and farmer alike, was living in poverty?

No one was going to buy anything before the market was cultivated, even in this country that had the ability to produce so much.

What about exports?

Without looking down on the Austrian industry, Franz thought the best industrial products of the age came from the British, while the most competitive products Austria could offer were simple grains.

Thus, it was more practical to cultivate the market first, then develope the industry step by step.

However, sharing your happiness was much better than enjoying something all on your own. A selfless person like Franz would certainly take into account people all over the world, for everyone was living a hard life and anxious to improve it.

In this case, he believed that the revolutionary stand of the French people was firm and that they would certainly do their job well. Only by improving the living conditions for the working class could the world become a better place.

What Franz did not know was that, in the history that was to come, the eight-hour working day proposed by the Austrian government would become the spark of the European Revolution.

The March Revolution in Vienna, which was highly regarded by historians, became a conspiratorial rebellion launched by the capitalist class, who were dissatisfied with the Labor Protection Act.

That was the final judgment that Franz himself made. He never had mercy on his enemies.

Regardless of the future, for the moment, Vienna was already boiling over. The newspaper published the Labor Protection Act in its original form as quickly as possible.

All the literati were writing swiftly on this Act, whether in praise or criticism. Either way, everyone had very strong opinions.

The reformists began to split into two parties. One of them was self-congratulatory about the fact that the Austrian reforms had finally made some progress. Many were even optimistic that the government would continue to develop the reforms shortly after publishing the Labor Protection Act.

The other party was the capitalist interest group. In no uncertain terms, they criticized the government for destroying their freedoms; they believed that in a world of freedom, all problems should be left to the market to solve.

On this issue, the two parties were in a terrible quarrel. The capitalists, who would never accept harm to their interests, had begun to plot, and this undercurrent spread from Vienna to the whole of Austria.

The workers in Vienna could not believe it had come true at first. Then they were shocked. After confirming the news, they finally began to celebrate, as though they were saying goodbye to all their days of suffering.

...

Paris

Paris was famous for being the cradle of the European revolutionary movement, and the people there had always been the most revolutionary. The Austrian Government's Labor Protection Act caused a sensation among them.

The Austrian government, known for its conservatism, already legislated to protect the interests of the working class, while the July Dynasty had not yet done so. Such an evil government must be overthrown.

Of course, the rebellion could never be accomplished overnight, so the Paris labor union organizations, who were experienced in such struggles, met at once for a lively discussion.

Because of the Austrian government's move to legislate for the protection of workers and their introduction of an eight-hour working day, many people in Paris expected the same from their government.

What if the top people in the Paris government suddenly changed their minds and followed Austria's example? Their requirements were not unreasonable; they just wanted the government to copy the Austrian Labor Protection Act.

At the end of 1847, the historically significant strike movement began in Paris. Hundreds of thousands of Parisian workers took to the streets to protest for their rights.

Soon, this campaign spread from Paris to the whole of France, finally spreading throughout the European continent like a virus. By the end, strikes broke out in almost every European city.

The "eight-hour workday" had become a motto for the workers' movements of the era. The public image of the Austrian government had improved markedly thanks to the fact that it made the first labor law in the world.

This was the very first time such a system had been legislated since 1817, when the British reformer Robert Owen proposed the "eight-hour work system," and the impact was far beyond anything the Austrian government could have imagined.

Prime Minister Metternich, who had long been criticized for being too conservative, became once again the leader of the reformists, and the Austrian public praised his achievement highly.

However, none of this was what Prime Minister Metternich wanted. On the surface, he became the winner of the government struggle. Not only had he thwarted the rival's plot, but he had also taken the reform even further, gaining significant public support.

Under the surface, however, Prime Minister Metternich was in unspeakable trouble. He had gotten himself into a blood feud with the capitalist class when he'd passed the Labor Protection Act under pressure from the nobles.

Could any good come from setting himself against the capitalists?

The answer was undoubtedly known to all.

Even so, their revenge came much faster than anyone expected.

On November 24, 1847, the third day after the publishing of the Labor Protection Act, the capitalists organized a strike. Ninety percent of Vienna's factories and shops were closed that day.

The capitalists also submitted a petition to the Emperor for the repeal of the Labor Protection Act and the dismissal of Metternich's Cabinet.

The Austrian government was in serious trouble. The capitalist class was much stronger than everyone thought. To make it worse, some nobles with no firm position of their own had been fooled by capitalists into participating in the strike.

Prime Minister Metternich's time to shine--or fail--had come. If he could not solve this problem quickly, Vienna would collapse.

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