Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 554: Pursuit

In Ankara, the events that took place in Ağva City had already spread. Thanks to this “good news,” the elated Abdulaziz I generously spared Major General Özgür, who had abandoned the city.

The fact that a massacre was considered good news shows just how far the Ottoman Empire had fallen. In earlier times, the Ottoman government would have already sent troops to retaliate.

Now, they had to resort to diplomacy. It wasn’t that Abdulaziz I didn’t want revenge, but rather that they simply couldn’t win.

“Immediately make the news public, calling on the nation to resist to the death. Tell the people that the evil enemy is trying to destroy us, and we have reached a critical moment of life and death.

Continue diplomatic talks with Britain and France, asking them to intervene in this war. Spread the tragic events of Ağva City to the international media, expose the enemy’s atrocities across Europe, and use international opinion to condemn Austria and Russia.”

Pinning their hopes on international intervention was a harsh reality forced upon them. In recent days, the coastal cities of the Ottoman Empire had essentially been “greeted” by the Austrian navy, and many inland cities, including Ankara, had also been bombed by airships.

The Ottoman government had attempted counterattacks, even managing to shoot down one airship. But it did nothing to change the overall situation.

The Austrian airship fleet was indiscriminately bombing without specific targets. Even though some harassment by rifles forced them to fly at higher altitudes, with such large targets as cities, how much could they miss?

As long as they dropped bombs into the cities, their mission was accomplished. If they hit a factory or a supply warehouse, that was a bonus.

Due to the bombing, Abdulaziz I had moved out of the royal palace and relocated to an estate in the countryside to work. The upper echelons of the government followed him out as well.

There was no other choice. When dozens of airships hovered above the palace, Abdulaziz I became as skittish as a frightened bird.

Ağva was only a few hundred kilometers from Ankara, well within the bombing range of the airships. Naturally, Ankara became a primary target for bombing, and Abdulaziz I’s palace was the most important target of all.

Who told him to build the palace so big? If it were smaller, maybe the airships wouldn’t have been able to find it.

The success of the bombing largely depended on luck. Even in Ankara, which was a primary target, not many people were actually killed, but the panic it caused was something that couldn’t be resolved.

The wealthy fled in droves, leaving behind only the poor who had no means of escape. In the past few months, the number of people emigrating from the Ottoman Empire had exceeded the total number over the past five years, which says a lot.

With the wealthy fleeing, market purchasing power dropped. Many cities in the Ottoman Empire fell into decline, and the economy took a devastating hit.

Since the outbreak of the war, the Ottoman government saw a complete collapse in industrial and commercial tax revenue, leading to an ever-worsening fiscal crisis. If things continued this way, the Ottoman Empire was bound to collapse sooner or later.

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When news of the Ağva massacre reached London, the city was in an uproar. Newspapers were working overtime to push out stories, as no one would miss such a sensational headline.

Even though Ağva was far away, and there was no telegraph connection to gather on-the-ground reports, it didn’t matter. People could fill in the gaps with imagination.

Every excellent newspaper editor is a master of storytelling. With a little imagination and reasoning, it becomes a good article.

The “truth” was whatever they decided it to be. As long as the story wasn’t too exaggerated, there was no fear of being exposed. Since it was a massacre, the key was to emphasize the brutality of the Russian army and the helplessness of the Ottomans.

It was as if everyone had transformed into champions of justice, standing on the moral high ground, condemning the invasion of the Ottoman Empire by Austria and Russia.

Of course, there were still supporters of Russia and Austria. The Ottoman Empire had made enemies for years, so it was no surprise some disliked them.

But for now, these voices didn’t dominate. Only when the public’s sympathy was exhausted would the newspapers start exposing the Ottoman Empire’s darker history.

Dramatic, sweeping reports helped boost newspaper sales. Where would they find more big headlines in the future if they revealed everything at once?

At the Prime Minister’s residence on Downing Street, Prime Minister Gladstone was troubled by the current situation. The unresolved Irish issue at home, along with new international problems, was weighing on him.

The Ottoman Empire was fighting a bitter war with Austria and Russia in the Near East, and the British government didn’t want to see the Ottoman Empire collapse.

The Ağva “massacre” was the perfect opportunity to intervene, but unfortunately, their best ally, Napoleon III, had recently died, and Prussia had set its sights on the Kingdom of Poland.

With no reliable allies on the European continent, even if the British government wanted to intervene, it was powerless to do so.

In the original timeline of the Russo-Turkish War, the British were able to intervene forcefully because all the European nations didn’t want to see the Russian Empire expand. That was why Queen Victoria took a strong stance.

Gladstone said seriously, “The Ottoman Empire is on the verge of collapse. We just received word that the Austrians have already sent troops to the Middle East, and it may not be long before they reach Jerusalem.

Right now, the Ottoman Empire can’t even handle the crisis on the Anatolian Peninsula, so they’re in no position to support the Middle East.

If we don’t want to see Austria and Russia carve up the Ottoman Empire and extend their influence into Persia, we must find a way to intervene.”

Foreign Secretary Maclean responded, “Prime Minister, intervention is inevitable, but the timing isn’t right yet. Napoleon III has just died, and Napoleon IV has been on the throne for less than a month. The French government is in complete disarray. The opposition that Napoleon III had suppressed is now rising up. It’s likely that for the next few years, the French government will be mired in internal conflict.

The Polish throne election is about to take place, and without external intervention, it’s almost certain that William I will win. I suspect the Prussian government may have struck a deal with Austria. With France caught up in internal struggles, as long as Austria doesn’t intervene militarily, Prussia’s ambitions will succeed.

At this moment, if we want to intervene in the Near East War, we can’t find a strong ally on the European continent. We can’t just rely on our diplomatic skills to make Austria and Russia back down, can we?”

Does Britain have the means to keep Austria and Russia in check? The answer is yes.

Unfortunately, the power isn’t strong enough or isn’t usable. For example, there’s the loan agreement between Britain and Russia. The British government could cut off the Tsar’s finances at any time.

But these loans come with a trade-off. Russia joined the British-led monetary system, and only then did Britain provide this loan.

If the agreement were to be torn up, the Russian government would undoubtedly withdraw from the pound-gold system, something the British financial consortiums would never accept.

The currency reform that binds the ruble to the pound has only just begun, and it will take at least several more years to complete. Until then, the Russian government must be kept on board.

Threatening Austria is even more troublesome. It could easily lead to war, and when two countries that can’t destroy each other fight, a third party benefits.

Unless absolutely necessary, the British government wouldn’t make such a decision. British foreign policy always revolves around national interests. They never do anything that harms themselves to benefit others.

Chancellor of the Exchequer Largo Lloyd questioned, “Allowing Prussia to annex Poland. Has the Austrian government gone mad?”

Foreign Secretary Maclean responded, “The Austrian government hasn’t gone mad. Prussia’s annexation of Poland isn’t something that can be done quickly. They’ve only taken the first step.

The first to bear the brunt of a Prussian-Polish merger would be the Russian Empire. If anyone should be worried, it’s the Russian government.

There will inevitably be a war between Prussia and Russia, and it could happen within the next decade. The kind of war two great powers would fight today would lead to astronomical losses.

If Prussia wanted to grow enough to threaten Austria, it would first need to thoroughly defeat the Russian Empire. Before that happens, the Prussian government won’t challenge them.

If Austria can solidify the German Federal Empire, the power gap between them will widen further, giving Austria a strategic advantage over Prussia.

Perhaps Emperor Franz is waiting for the Prussians to crush his ‘good ally,’ so Austria can conveniently inherit Russia’s legacy in the Balkans. I don’t believe they don’t have ambitions for Constantinople.”

Largo Lloyd nodded, “With allies like this, the Russians are truly unfortunate. What’s laughable is that all of Europe currently believes Austria is the most reliable ally, and the Austrian government’s credibility is still recognized as the highest by everyone.”

No one took up this topic. The Austrian government’s credibility being the highest in Europe was something established through a series of international events.

It’s not something that can be undermined by mere potential scenarios. Just because someone talks about possibilities doesn’t mean they’ll come to pass. Who can guarantee what will happen in the future?

If the Austrian government were to betray its allies during the term of their alliance, their reputation would certainly be ruined. But if they wait until the treaty expires, the moral pressure would no longer exist.

No one remains best friends just because they’ve been together for a day. In international politics, no one is that naive.

In recent years, the British government has been working hard to improve its international image, but they’ve betrayed so many allies that everyone remains cautious.

Even though Britain, France, and Austria are in a formal alliance, the secret agreements between France and Austria still exist and haven’t been officially annulled.

Initially, the British government joined the alliance to break up the Franco-Austrian alliance, but later they realized that the alliance brought greater benefits, so they quickly changed course. While sowing discord between France and Austria, they also maintained the three-nation alliance.

Britain, France, and Austria are all colonial powers, and now that they’re well-fed, they’ve become the main beneficiaries of the international order, with Britain taking the largest share.

By comparison, the emerging powers are the real threat. After all, resources and markets are limited, and while the old empires are feasting, the emerging powers can’t even get a sip of soup. How could they not have ambitions?

If not for the concern about the rise of these new powers, Prussia and Poland would have merged years ago.

Prussia and Poland share common enemies, and Prussia has significant influence over Poland, with William I always being a strong contender for the Polish throne.

Many believe that only by having a shared monarch could the two nations cooperate closely and fend off their common enemies.

Even though the Russian Empire is in decline, a lean camel is still bigger than a horse. Russia is still a great European power, and it continues to exert heavy pressure on Prussia and Poland.

Not to mention the Russian Empire, even the declining Ottoman Empire is still stubbornly considered a strong country by many.

After a brief moment of silence, Prime Minister Gladstone seriously asked, “So what’s everyone’s view on William I becoming King of Poland? Should we intervene?”

This question was also troublesome. The Kingdom of Prussia is supposed to be Britain’s little brother, but this little brother is too powerful and completely uncontrollable. If Prussia annexes Poland, this “little brother” relationship will disappear.

Chancellor of the Exchequer Largo Lloyd said, “Prussia’s annexation of Poland doesn’t greatly affect us, but we can’t let them succeed too easily.

Aren’t there rumors that the Prussian government is going to make deals with France and Austria to gain their recognition?

Whether it’s true or not, what could Prussia possibly offer in exchange? If they succeed in these negotiations, France and Austria might grow even stronger, and small nations in Europe won’t have any room to survive.

This is extremely dangerous. If they keep expanding like this, it’ll be harder and harder to restrain them. If we only look at the economic strength of their homelands, both France and Austria have already surpassed us.

If they continue to expand, perhaps in the future they won’t even need to unite. Each of them will have enough power to threaten us on their own.

The strength of the Royal Navy was built with countless pounds. If France and Austria hadn’t focused on developing their land forces, both of them would have the capacity to create their own Royal Navy.”

This threat is something Britain has already felt. Unlike the original timeline, both France and Austria are now growing like snowballs rolling downhill.

Perhaps their per capita income still can’t match Britain’s, but with their large populations, they’ve overtaken them in terms of total economic output.

Now, Britain’s position as the industrial leader is also shaky. Since the Second Industrial Revolution, they’ve already lost their advantage in emerging industries.

Relying on their substantial foundation, they can still hold on, but the crisis is brewing. If it weren’t for the vast colonies giving them confidence, perhaps many people would have felt the crisis.

Unfortunately, all of this has been covered up. Largo Lloyd sees only the increasing fiscal revenues of France and Austria, which is making him uneasy.

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