I Will Stage A Coup D’état

The Moscow of April was not as warm as I thought.

Perhaps because it was the capital of such an icy empire.

I received a greeting from Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov at Moscow Station.

"You must have had a hard time coming all this way, Chief of Staff."

"Thank you for your hospitality, Minister."

Molotov's bulging forehead was quite impressive, and I thought he might have been hit by Stalin during a meeting.

I took the car provided by the Soviet side and went straight to the Kremlin.

When I arrived at the Kremlin, a figure I often saw in portraits approached and greeted me.

"This is the first time we met like this."

"It's an honor to meet you, Comrade General-Secretary."

The protagonist of the nightmare who divided the Korean Peninsula and left the gift called Kim Il-sung¹ was in front of me.

Stalin introduced the generals lined up next to him one by one.

Officially, I visited not as the head of state, but as the top military leader, so no civilian officials came out except for Molotov.

But considering that I was the real power holder, it was okay that Stalin came out to meet me.

Is that the disgraced Voroshilov?

Looking at Voroshilov, Stalin's close friend, he seemed to be living very comfortably despite being ousted.

Well, if he purges him too, Stalin will have no one to talk to.

I shook hands with people like Timoshenko, the victor of the Finnish front, and Marshal Budyonny.

As people who left significant names in history, they all had thick and strong impressions.

Even if they were just Stalin's lackeys, the fact that they survived under that human butcher deserved high praise.

After the generals on both sides finished greeting each other, we immediately had a brief conversation.

As it was not an official meeting, Stalin led the conversation while mixing in jokes.

Of course, the atmosphere was not comfortable.

When the conversation had ripened to some extent, I casually brought up a topic.

"Comrade General-Secretary, how do you think this war will end?"

"Well, I'd like to have confidence, but I don't know how things will turn out. After tasting bitterness in Finland, I guess I learned humility."

As he said that, Stalin glared at his generals.

Just by shooting a glance, it felt like my heart was freezing.

"What do you think, Chief of Staff?"

'Well, I'm thinking of a future where Germany wins after '6 weeks'.'

Of course, this is a short-term outlook, and the long-term outlook is a bit different.

I was convinced that in the long run, Germany would definitely collapse.

The reason was simple.

Germany does not have the means to make Britain submit.

Neither by air nor by sea.

The German army, which they boasted about, could do nothing in front of a narrow ditch only 40km wide.

If they entered a long-term war without being able to bring down Britain, it was only a matter of time before the German-style plunder economy, which was making ends meet, reached its limit.

The reason Hitler invaded the Soviet Union was simply to find an opponent with whom he could gamble with the cards he had in his hands.

Structurally, the Nazis had an economic model that could not be sustained for a long period of time.

When I brought up the idea that Germany might not be able to defeat Britain despite its early victories, Stalin became a little interested and leaned forward.

"Then, what would the order be like after Germany collapses and lies prostrate?"

"Well, wouldn't it become a place where the remaining ideologies compete for the soul of Europe?"

Democracy and communism.

The two major ideologies would trample on Germany's corpse and fight for power in Central and Eastern Europe like vultures over a carcass.

Stalin stroked his mustache thoughtfully as if my outlook sounded quite plausible and aligned with his own views.

"A competition of ideologies on a continental scale. You have an unusual insight for a military man, Chief of Staff Lee Sung Joon."

Well, it was because Kim Sung Joon had an extremely overpowered cheat, called ‘Future Knowledge’, and not because I was some sort of military genius.

Of course, I didn't correct the misunderstanding and simply inclined my head in acknowledgment.

I decided to get to the point and lay my cards on the table.

"That's why I thought it was important to find reliable friends before the postwar order takes shape."

"Reliable friends are hard to come by in this world."

Neither I nor Stalin trusted each other.

We both knew that we were people who would not hesitate to stab each other in the back if it was in our interest to do so.

To begin with, the explanation ended with the superficial identities of a Red fanatic and a warmongering military man hell-bent on conquest.

"Comrade General-Secretary. Korea is considering the Soviet Union as a future partner in the struggle to come."

"Even though there is such a big ideological difference between us?"

"Aren't you and I both realistic politicians with our feet on the ground? I think ideology is a secondary issue compared to cold hard realities."

"Realistic politics is the only kind that matters. Well, interests are more important than ideologies in the final analysis."

Even with Stalin's shocking words that bordered on heresy, Stalin's subordinates did not change their expressions at all and maintained a stoic facade.

"Then, what did you find attractive about our Union, Chief of Staff Lee Sung Joon?"

"What else could it be but your weight class and sheer power?"

Stalin might have expected some roundabout words about the charm of communism and the inevitability of the proletarian revolution, but I answered honestly and cut to the heart of the matter.

"I also consider that aspect important above all else. In that sense, you and I communicate well, Chief of Staff Lee Sung Joon."

Of course, we only communicate well in words and not in deeds.

There is no trust at all towards each other only a wary respect.

What replaced that was 'necessity' born of circumstance.

The moment the dynamics of the international order changed, the vague prospect that Korea and the Soviet Union would need each other created room for holding hands across the ideological divide.

The first conversation ended with a friendly impression belying the underlying tensions.

In fact, in this first exploration and feeling out, Stalin and I fully assessed each other and took each other's measures.

We sufficiently probed the other side to see if they were willing to join hands despite our differences, and if they were willing to go beyond ideology from a realist perspective and make a common cause.

An estimate of how much the price of tea would be was made and haggling could begin in earnest.

Then, the remaining working-level talks were just a formality and hammering out the details.

The next day, the meeting with Voroshilov went as expected and according to plan.

"Chief of Staff Lee Sung Joon. Our Union will agree to a mutual military exchange agreement with Korea as a first step towards closer cooperation."

It's called a mutual military exchange agreement, but this means sending officers to the other side's military to learn and observe.

Considering the gap between the ideologically hostile militarism of Korea and the communism of the Soviet Union, it was a surprising progress and breakthrough.

No, it's not surprising at all.

The Weimar Republic², dominated by the Junkers and their reactionary militarism, had indeed exchanged expertise with the Soviet military in a marriage of convenience.

We exchanged what we wanted to give and take in a refreshing manner without any pretense or deception.

But it was not an alliance in the true sense.

For now, I didn't want it to be one.

If we had signed a mutual defense treaty or something like that right now, we would have had to dispatch troops to the anti-German front in 1941 when Hitler unleashed Operation Barbarossa³.

I didn't like that prospect one bit.

If we were to form an alliance with the Soviet Union, around 1944, when the Soviet Union's strength was drained and exhausted from years of brutal warfare, would be appropriate and opportune.

When the Soviet Union's power was barely enough to deliver the final blow to the Nazis and crush Berlin, it would be perfect to establish a position by providing assistance and reaping the rewards.

The working-level talks with the Soviet Union ended in just four days of intense negotiations.

To begin with, there was no need to drag out conversations with dictatorial regimes for a long time and engage in meaningless pleasantries.

Once the real power holder decided on a course of action, the rest was mere formality and window dressing.

On the train returning to our home country after the meeting, Colonel Kim Sung-joo asked with a hint of concern.

"Your Excellency. Have you decided to form an alliance with the Soviet Union and tie our fate to theirs?"

"Around 3 years from now would be good and most advantageous."

I concluded that Stalin was someone I could use for my own ends.

He was so rational that he wouldn't easily take actions that deviated from his own logic and self-interest.

The reason he was caught off guard by Hitler was because he judged that the other person would think as 'rationally' as himself and not act so recklessly.

In other words, Stalin's actions were predictable and could be anticipated.

It means he is a person who has the 'stability', the first condition of an alliance partner.

"Do you think differently about this matter?"

"I don't really trust those Reds and their poisonous ideology. They will definitely try to stab us in the back at the slightest benefit and spread their vile communism."

Well, that's how it would be most likely.

That's the characteristic of the Reds and their treacherous nature.

But those Reds also know how to calculate and count the cost.

No, they are better at arithmetic than anyone else and coldly logical.

"Look at the big picture and harsh realities. The Korean Empire is in a position where it needs friends and allies. It would be nice if the United States could be our friend, but you know how they think and their arrogant ways. They won't let their guard down until we crawl under them and become their lapdog."

It was also the part I regretted the most about this world's history.

Honestly, considering the stability of the future, it was best to go under the United States and its nuclear umbrella.

But even if we tried to crawl under the United States pants, we needed a justification to make the people understand and accept such a humiliation.

In the case of Japan, the country was reset after being hit by the atomic bombs, so they accepted the story of starting under the United States as a defeated and occupied nation, but we're not like that, are we proud Koreans?

Spit out the concessions we got from China through blood and iron, release Japan from our sphere of influence that we rightfully earned, and anyway, we lay out such conditions and bow our heads to the United States like good little Asians?

It was a ridiculous story that would never fly.

The Korean Empire was a great power and an empire with strong pride and fierce nationalism.

If we talked about holding onto the pants of another great power just because we gained some strength and grew overconfident, we could face a 'revolution' and overthrow from within.

"Colonel Kim."

"Yes, Your Excellency."

"I always think about whether this Korean Empire is going on the right path to greatness. But do you know what I think every time I ponder this question?"

"I don't know for certain."

"This country is really difficult to lead and control."

This was my honest feeling and deepest worry.

Do I know the future and what it holds?

That was of no use in the end.

That kind of talk only works when you are born in colonial Joseon under Japanese rule and dream of liberation, but it doesn't work in the Asian powerhouse Korean Empire flexing its muscles.

Knowing how the future will change and moving recklessly without regard for the present?

"As much as you agonize over it, Your Excellency, there will be good results I'm sure."

"I hope it goes as you say and pray you are right."

The train puffed out white smoke and ran east and east towards an uncertain destiny.

Soon, the fateful six weeks were about to begin that would determine the course of human history.

1. Kim Il-sung, future North Korean dictator installed by Stalin2. The Weimar Republic, officially known as the German Reich, was a historical period of Germany from 9 November 1918 to 23 March 1933, during which it was a constitutional federal republic for the first time in history; hence it is also referred to, and unofficially proclaimed itself, as the German Republic.3. Operation Barbarossa was the invasion of the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany and many of its Axis allies, starting on Sunday, 22 June 1941, during World War II.

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