The Fox of France

Chapter 44: The Jacobins of the Royalist Party

"It's an honor to meet our young scientist. You know, all the glory and grandeur in life are but fleeting, and time will wash them all away. Even great emperors like Alexander and Caesar leave behind empty names. Only scholarship is truly immortal. Just like Greece and Rome, their most precious treasures for us are not their conquests but their knowledge and laws. You have the talent to explore what's truly eternal, and that's what truly commands respect and admiration," the Marquis de Lafayette replied with a smile.

"Just like the immortality of Rome, much like their laws. Your involvement now, Your Excellency, isn't it an equally immortal and enduring achievement for the ages?" Joseph replied with a smile.

"You make a valid point. What are your thoughts on the constitution?" the Marquis de Lafayette asked.

"I don't know much about politics," Joseph replied, "but I believe, just as ancient Greek geometry is built upon nine undeniable axioms and postulates, our constitution should rest upon similarly self-evident principles. Your Excellency, you've led in the American War of Independence. The logic in the Declaration of Independence is quite intriguing."

"Please continue," Robespierre urged.

"The Declaration states: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.' These two sentences serve as the foundation for the entire Declaration, and almost all arguments in the North American Declaration of Independence are built upon them. If we aim to create a truly enduring constitution, we need to identify its foundational principles. In my opinion, these two sentences from the North American Declaration of Independence can serve as the cornerstone of our constitution. Therefore, when drafting our constitution, we should first define the rights it must protect and then build around how to safeguard those rights. Anything conflicting with this objective should be deemed unconstitutional and, subsequently, unlawful and invalid."

"That's an interesting perspective," the Duke of Orleans interjected. "But Joseph, when you said, 'Greek geometry is built upon nine undeniable axioms and postulates,' wasn't it supposed to be ten axioms and postulates? Do you also think we should expel the Fifth Axiom from the axioms' ranks?"

"Who wouldn't want to?" Joseph laughed. "Since ancient Greece, every mathematician dreams of proving the Fifth Axiom and elevating it from an axiom to a theorem. If I could truly solve such a problem, I'd undoubtedly gain fame, perhaps even as famous as Monsieur Lavoisier."

Here, when Joseph mentioned "Monsieur Lavoisier," he was, of course, referring to the eminent chemist Lavoisier. However, because of this surname, it triggered some additional thoughts.

"Monsieur Lavoisier?" Robespierre asked. "Well, Monsieur Lavoisier's academic achievements are commendable, and he is truly a shining light in French science. His nephew, on the other hand, is talented in the arts. His recent play gained fame, and some believe he might become a high playwright."

"His play 'Spartacus' is indeed a fine tragedy, but it's overly radical. Especially that 'Slave's War Song,' it completely denies the existing order," Lafayette seemed unenthusiastic about the play. He furrowed his brow and continued, "The current order does have many issues that need to be addressed, but this change should be a gentle and gradual reform rather than a catastrophic war, like a flash flood."

"We all hope to avoid such a deluge," Robespierre added. "However, our king is rather obstinate. Regarding this matter, I spoke with young Lavoisier. He agreed that reforming the current order, establishing an English-style monarchy, is more favorable than creating a North American-style nation, similar to the Glorious Revolution. But he said achieving such changes in France isn't easy. Sometimes, exaggeration is necessary to make an impact. It's like telling our king, 'Your room is too dark; we need to add more windows.' He refuses. So you say, 'Your room is too dark; I'll dismantle the roof.' Then, His Majesty might be willing to discuss how to add windows."

This analogy brought smiles to the group, and Joseph's borrowed metaphor from his previous life reading Lu Xun's works found its way into the conversation. Now, it seemed like Armand was using this metaphor, taken from Joseph, in his conversation.

"This idea makes sense," Lafayette said with a smile. "But I'm a bit concerned that this play is inciting the citizens, especially the underprivileged, to become more emotional. Once their emotions are stirred, they might not settle for merely adding windows."

"But if we don't, the king won't feel any pressure and won't agree to any reforms," the Duke of Orleans argued.

Lafayette raised his head, gazed intently at the Duke of Orleans, but didn't respond.

The Duke of Orleans continued, "Furthermore, Gilbert, you know that the king has mobilized the army, applying pressure on us. Damn it; you were the one who told me this. How can we not respond?"

"The French army won't turn against its own people. Our military is meant to protect the homeland, not slaughter its citizens," Lafayette replied.

"Can you guarantee that?" the Duke of Orleans pressed.

"Of course," Lafayette answered without hesitation.

"What about those mercenaries? Can you ensure they won't harm the people?" the Duke of Orleans inquired.

Lafayette remained silent.

"If those mercenaries open fire on the people, what will the French army do? Will they defy the king's orders and engage in a battle with the foreign mercenaries, or will they stand by and watch?" the Duke of Orleans continued to push for answers.

Lafayette still didn't respond.

"You know, the military is uncertain about how to proceed," the Duke of Orleans continued. "If the army battles the foreign mercenaries, it means war has begun. This is not what you want. If we allow them to massacre the people, I believe that's not what you want either. Besides, military interference in politics is not a good long-term solution. Once this precedent is set, it could lead to endless trouble."

Lafayette secretly agreed with the Duke of Orleans on this point. However, he couldn't bring himself to speak up because, although he had no desire to become king, he did have thoughts of sidelining the king, holding the kingdom's power tightly in his hands, and perhaps ascending to a position similar to Mazarin or Richelieu. So, tarnishing the king's reputation, turning the people against him, would also serve his interests. Thus, he couldn't argue against it but asked, "What kind of power can a play demonstrate?"

The Duke of Orleans smiled and said, "A group of slaves, if determined, can shake the mighty Roman Empire. Today, the French people are stronger than Roman slaves, but France is much weaker than Rome. At least the Roman legions would go all out to suppress the slaves, while our army won't. The king knows this. The only ones he can rely on are the highlanders and the German mercenaries. If our king is smart, he should grasp the message conveyed by this play. If he's willing to compromise, we can achieve constitutional goals."

"But what if the king remains unwilling to compromise?" Lafayette inquired.

"Then we arm the National Guard to create a balance of power against the mercenaries," Robespierre suggested. "The National Guard may not match the mercenaries in skill, but in numbers, they can easily outnumber them several times or even tenfold."

"Let's hope our king understands the message conveyed by this play. Does he really want to follow in the footsteps of Charles I?" the Duke of Orleans added.

Lafayette furrowed his brow. The Duke of Orleans had been quite explicit.

"It's as Shakespeare said, 'The nearer in blood, the nearer in bloody deeds,'" he pondered and then finally spoke, "Our king is not as stubborn as Charles I. He will adapt to the tide of the times and become a monarch respected by the people."

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